17 November, 2017

Naipaul's attack on Hindu India: A Critique


 Let this be considered an analytical reading of V S Naipaul's "India: A Wounded Civilisation", Picador, 2010. This is definitely not a book review, neither a piece on deconstruction. A critique would be a better word, if not bitter. 

With the present intellectual climate harping on the words Hindu, cow and of course India, a fresh look at Nobel prize winner of Indian-origin V S Naipaul’s perception about ‘Hindu India’, albeit during the tumultuous period of Emergency, is not out of place.


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Why does Naipaul err in the Foreword of "India: A Wounded Civilization"? He writes that the British rule in Delhi was for 150 years? While he is perfect in mentioning 1565 as the year of demolition of Vijayanagar Empire in page 4, he flounders in the Foreword. 


Is he referring to the conquest of Delhi by the British in 1803 - by defeating the Marathas? Even then, 150 years is off the mark.


'.....as popular Hinduism so easily decays, into barbarism.' [page 6]




Naipaul cites slave markets, temple prostitutes, sati [spells suttee], animal and human sacrifices, in the erstwhile grand Vijayanagar Empire, as illustrations to prove his point.


For Bihar, in mid-1970s, Naipaul nonchalantly writes that it is 'without intellect or leaders' [page 18] - though, interestingly, at that very moment - the anti-Emergency brigade was led by Jayprakash Narayan, JP.


As he starts Chapter 2, he is firmly entrenched in the opinion that majority, subaltern Indians are detached, disassociated, dismembered from the macro-level politico-economic turmoil - and they have been like that - immersed in timelessness - whether during the Sultanate or Mughal or British period, continuing their self-engrossed journey in the 1970s, during Indira Gandhi's Emergency. In the process, Naipaul critically discusses R K Narayan's philosophy of 'India will go on' and ridicules it. 

Naipaul, singularly, refers to this insulation as Hindu Equilibrium - a term nourished with illustrations, some from his sojourn to India during that momentous time-frame and many, from R K Narayan's characters.


Naipaul reports that 'Bangalore was becoming a centre of Indian industry and science' [page 28] and in a sense, turns out to be prophetic - at least, as far as industry is concerned, though in its 21st century variant of software based.

The author subtly chastises Gandhianism - holding it as a tactic to have strategically transformed 'quietism' in Hinduism [page 32] - into a political force. Is Naipaul appreciating Gandhi or is he praising the 'quietism' of Hindus as a virtue, surely not, I feel. Or is he suggesting the alienation of non-Hindus from mainstream National Movement due to the overwhelming success of Gandhian juggernaut, and consequent dislocation of the national movement and final fragmentation of the nation? 

In page 41, he comes up with an unusual theorization which I am unable to envisage or take at face value that how a 'risen-dough quality about the face and physique’ of an individual hints to ‘solitary sexual orientations'. It could be author’s own perversion or imagery beyond comprehension.


Till the end of Part One, Naipaul remains harsh towards Hinduism - blaming it for exposing Indians to thousand years of defeat and stagnation. How could he be so unjustified, irrational and ahistoric? Or is it that he is imposing his anti-India grievance-ridden intellectual firmament on the readers and with the flow of his post-Booker famed narrative, effectively incorporates the hegemonic discourse of the Gramscian variety?

He wants the world to believe that India means Hindus, and Hindus mean a set of dead people. He wants Indians to accept his theory, which is neither self-critical nor axiomatic, far from being normative, is drowned in self-perceived bias. The Times eulogises Naipaul's script as 'A devastating work', and how truly, it devastates, rather sincerely attempts to devastate the perception about a set of people who over span of centuries have so dexterously developed a mono-cultural identity and ethos amidst a multi-cultural backdrop, after having contacted and not dented by as the author opines, various foreign civilisations - who were welcomed, absorbed and fused into.

Or is it that Naipaul was hired by his then American publisher Knopf, to vilify the 'quiet' Hindu religion, along with their quieter Hindu folks - most uncomradelilke, so as to construct or rather re-construct the Western engineered perception of the hindoos as a decadent, defeated group of people, yet peacefully discovering bliss in their spiritual hutments, with or without a guru. 

The pushes and pulls on Hinduism - the forces of change versus status-quo, according to Naipaul, has kept the religion on a stable equilibrium, and more so, towards status-quo, towards unchange; the writer so skillfully avoiding or erroneously forgetting that with rising population, the insulated Jagans of Narayan's novels would naturally grow in number, with however, the fact that more and more change-seeking, rebellious if not revolutionary Vijay Tendulkars would flow out of the jar, enough in quantity to disrupt that equilibrium, whose precise definition from the perspective of forces seemingly being incomprehensible to the author, which he can so easily be dismissive of being a student of literature and arts.

If a system is in equilibrium, then both the forces are of equal strength, the forces of old India cancels out with that of New India. And if this is not the equilibrium he is referring to, then he should have elaborated in the discourse. His definition of equilibrium 'is of a rare kind' - a euphemistic phraseology connoting unclear, fuzzy cognition. 

To force into the esophagus of Hinduism the horrific crime of self-ruination is the worst surgical construct of the Nobel-prize winner. Suggestive monologues could have been welcome, along with operational critiques of the follies committed in the past and to some extent being carried in the present; but hypothetical doctrines are dangerous and that is where the author kept on peregrinating around.

Can we surmise that to feed the western world what they so eagerly desire to hear, see and 'eat' about the sub-continent and its history, and with the larger impact of ossifying the Indians on the portraiture of future, present and history - with the devious aim of intellectually stultifying the Hindu-Indians and mutate their minds into thoughtless boxes and coercing them to accept their inability to change as fait accompli - as an offshoot of their natural instinct, so innate in their own self-inculcation; Naipaul doctors the entire script, as a master-craftsman, yet so Satan-like, dollar-bribed.

Ends page 44. 

As one barges into the third chapter, 'The Skyscrapers and the Chawls', Naipaul's attack on Hinduism continues, unabated, however now punctuated with tales of Bombay, immaculately painting the chawl - real at the level of a writer's depiction, yet so nauseating at times when he refers to beggars as 'having lost their place in Hindu system', by being too numerous; his penchant for the word Hindu and Hinduism growing unbounded.

To aver that 'the power of the Marathas was mainly destructive' during the eighteenth century 'Indian chaos' is a gross oversimplification and severe misinterpretation of history, again so finely suited to the Western paradigm, need and necessity - reasserting the fashionable during the time of Total Revolution by JP - and deride the Indians. And if it comes from the glowing pen of an accomplished, established author - it adds to the glee and for time immemorial, to the corpus of knowledge and understanding.

With all the arraignment against him however, Naipaul is to a large extent agreeable on one count. 'It was the business of sweepers to remove excrement, and until the sweepers came, people were content to live in the midst of their own excrement', writes Sir Vidiya in page 57. This is a statement for which even today, four decades after the first print of his book, even after the government comes out with schemes and rallies and oratory on the philosophy of cleanliness and its operational need, Indians - and not Hindus only, suffer from the habit of lying on squalor, walking past polythene sheets, used coca-cola bottles, blood-stained sanitary napkins - all huddled together forming an ugly pool.

The Indians remain unconcerned, unnerved, unfazed by the filth - merrily celebrating Diwali and Kali Puja - as if worshiping squalor was to simulate the excrement and ashes very much required by the Kapaliks and Kalamukhs - Hindu Shaivite ascetics, the ultra-wing followers of Lord Shiva. This state of affairs, ironically, is in the second half of 21st century India. It is not an extraordinarily wrong assertion by Naipaul that Indians wait for the sweeper - the 'scum' on earth - to clean their scum. The sweeper becomes the Most Wanted Person [MWP] when he seeks leave for a few days, completely derailing our local drive of cleanliness. His unostentatious regular presence is just unnoticed. 

Part two could have ended peaceably, but it was not to be. Not because Naipaul again upbraided Hinduism, which he did at times, in bits and pieces, to excoriate the religion as a matter of routine, but this time as he dared to pontificate, he committed a factual blunder, along with inadequate interpretation and analysis. 

The best literary attribute and expected, of Naipaul, is his ability to describe, his uncanny knack of painting the ambience, the men, the women, and he marvels in that endeavour. The sarpanch of the village which is contiguous to Poona, the landlord Patel, his graduate daughter, the temple architecture, the pathways, seem to be painted exquisitely and being screened in front. A Nobel Prize winning litterateur indeed. I owe him a spectrum of words, a learning which I possibly couldn't have mastered by cramming the GRE Word List: runnel, starveling, shimmered, mattock, restaurateur, seraglio, wickerwork, rutted. 


Naipaul hit the bull's eye when he observed [page 75]: 'the Patel ruled by custom and consent', and hopefully by consent he meant Gramscian hegemonic consent, where the authority of the ruler is beyond question and cannot be defied because he has already been 'deified'. With the Zamindari system in India still ruling the roost in many regions, Naipaul's remark can be considered to be astute and analytical. Power structure prevailing in India's rural backyard centred around the rural gentry, from the time of the Guptas up to the British, through the Mughals, and beyond.  

The worst however came just before intermission. Pages 78 to 82, of a 161 page book, turned out to be the playground for Naipaul where he donned the role of a security-analyst, political scientist, sociologist as well as historian. Why is he so prone to committing factual blunders? My question remains unanswered. If it is told to me that it was a printing error, then the Editorial Board ought to be held culpable. Naxalite movement began in Bengal - fine, in 1968 - the gaffe. 

Sir Naipaul, it was 23 May 1967, when a 'policeman named Sonam Wangdi was killed in an encounter with armed tribals', that the Naxalite movement kicked off, writes Sumanta Banerjee in the Wake of Naxalbari. Sir Naipaul, the movement was locally led - as you weirdly and without any substantiated database argue to the contrary, with Kanu Sanyal and Jangal Santhal as couple of names to quote. Sir Naipaul, you probably again go awry when you claim that the tea plantation labourers of North Bengal were not part of the movement. The workers of the tea plantation farms were being organised by local communist groups, reports Banerjee, between 1955 to 1957. I fully agree that Sumanta Banerjee is not a Nobel Prize Winner, but his qualitative arguments and reportage aside, the faux pas on 1967 / 8, can still be accepted at Naipaul's end without any loss of self-esteem. 

Mr Naipaul, by terming the indentured labourers of the tea plantation farms as 'far-off aboriginal communities, pre-Aryan people...', you are oversimplifying the history of the sub-continent and treading the Western line of historiography, especially insofar as India's antiquity is concerned. Mr Naipaul, by dismissing the Indians in not having a sense of social enquiry - cunningly setting the backdrop by cutting apart Narayan's novels and his calibre as a novelist and in the larger perspective, Indians' capability of writing novels and analysing society, you have flawed, dwarfed yourself as an author, derogated yourself as an intellectual and guillotined yourself at the altar of human knowledge. 

If History was still 'outside Indian tradition' in 1975, as he claims, then how would he explain the rise of the Subaltern Studies Group in the late 1970s and early 1980s? 

Mr Naipaul, Naxalite movement in its initial avatar just didn't fall through because there was a lack of understanding of India and Indian history by the Indians or the revolutionaries - which agreeably is an infinitely unbounded subject and needs to be cultivated continuously. Naxalite movement crumbled because of poor organsiation, improper leadership, lack of arms and ammunition in the insurgent camp, concerted police and army action, among others. And if it is being suggested by you that emulating a 'foreign' ideology is a sign of lack of ingenuity on the part of the Indians, then what would you comment on the French Revolution - the stalwarts of which were inspired by the American revolution. Would you write-off the 'Bolivarian' Revolutions in Latin America since they absorbed the ideals of the French and the American examples? How your thought process would churn by looking at the Vietnamese revolution? Should Lenin be reprimanded for reading a Marx?

Intermission. Naipaul, as a master story-teller knew where to pull down the curtains for an interlude, and how to charge up the battery of climax, by needling the dying body-social called India. 


It's sickening, not disheartening. It's severely disturbing. It's nauseating, with the persistently consistent way in which Naipaul moves on, tearing apart India with his double-edged sword. India and the Indians, if they emulate the West in the context of modernity, would be lampooned as copycats. India and Indians, if they attempt to invent succour by unraveling their past - which Naipaul disbelieves they can in the archaeological or historical or sociological sense, would be chastised to have acted in an antiquated fashion. 

'Hindu India, decaying for centuries, constantly making itself archaic, had closed up......', Naipaul's inexorable march in torturing and tonsuring India and Indians, post intermission, goes on. The author's diseased analysis reaches a crescendo when he refers to Dr Sudhir Kakar, a psychoanalyst, to bolster his argumentation - as Kakar is quoted to generalise, without any sense of logic, as if only to steer Naipaul's distorted ratiocination to its irrational destination, that 'his Indian patients, men and women, cannot describe the sex act, are capable of saying, it happened'. And the harangue continues, the lack of ability of Indians to chronicle their tales of sexual interactions, the lack of Indians to absorb the coitus and paint a picture of it is corroborated by citing a novel called Samskara by Naipaul's literary favourite U R Anantamurti and its pious Brahmin, who fails to appreciate how it feels like to copulate with a fleshly low-caste woman. 

The pinnacle is reached, of denigrating Indians. Naipaul applies intellectual stealth and hypocrisy to achieve it by citing ideas and observations of Indians, one a doctor and the other an author, roasts and murders Indians by terming their thought-process to be worn-out and Indians being imbecile to the extent of failing to detail the most basic exercise of human beings - the very act of procreation. The works of the two other 'Indians', Kakar and Anantamurti, who are skillfully yet bluntly used by Naipaul, are his favourites because their arguments, at least the portion of what he quotes, beautifully upholds his demented notion of a caste-dishevelled, inward-looking, backward-moving retrograde India. Sir Vidiya has not read or heard about Kamasutra and he showcases his literary musculature to the maximum to annihilate any corpus of composition of India's past or present which aspires to 'describe' the act of sex. Sir Vidiya, interestingly is still alive to watch videos being posted online by Indian actors, detailing the bedroom actions, providing him titillation - something he so poorly needs at this stage of his life. 

Naipaul gouges out the eyes, cuts the limbs, castrates and finally disembowels the Indians by positing 'youthful' examples - a fourth year graduate at National institute of Design, a second year girl in the printing department, an America-returned would-be-entrepreneur - yelling through his chain of words and phrases that the next generation of Indians are equally worthless as their predecessors - nincompoops not to have a knowledge or vision about India and severely handicapped in ingenuity, however enthusiastically bubbling with regressing cognition. Dollar-bribed literature reached its zenith at page 110 with Naipaul's jeremiad against Indians reaching the cremation ground. 


Naipaul doesn't visit the Indian Institute of Technologies. Though he knows Bangalore, he doesn't move into the campus of Indian Institute of Science. He 'analyses' the Chawls of Bombay, but wipes out from his narrative the Tata Institute of Fundamental Research. Naipaul maps a non-euclidean geometry of India, carefully avoids the straight line and takes the geodesic instead. He doesn't fail, but deliberately absconds meeting statistician-cum-historian D D Kosambi, as that would definitely have pushed him harder into his fraudulent analytical domains to eke out a repugnant theory to prevaricate about India's past and the lack of historical approach of Indians.


It is nonetheless, nothing outlandish to deduce that many Indians prefer the Occident - their lifestyle and to some extent, accept their superiority. To some extent, this is an after-effect of Imperial domination close to 200 years. And why fully blame Indians with regard to this - most colonial countries, in South Asia, South-East Asia, Africa have followed similar footsteps. That however does not and shouldn't exonerate the Indians from the entrapment of Gramscian hegemony,

Adding to Literature, Sex, Politics, Ideology, Naipaul comes up with Architecture and Painting - reflecting the decadent state of affairs of India and Indians. Just to speak of painting, Naipaul surely needs a crash course on Indian painting since 1947 - and which has been in no way merely a mugged up Western concept - with post-colonial, pseudo-realist and post-minimalist approaches being few to be mentioned. Naipaul for the second time twists the finger of the Indian journalist as he comments: 'Indian journalism developed no reporting tradition...'[page 117].

However, he gives a passing credit to Illustrated Weekly of India as it contained a series of articles against caste oppression in Hindu India and to Economic and Political Weekly as it carries leftist tinge. He dismisses the Indians [page 116], 'India by itself could not have rediscovered or assessed its past' - which makes me wonder as to who Rakhaldas Banerjee was or who was Ramesh Chandra Majumdar or Jadunath Sarkar, to name a modest three. Naipaul safely does not mention S N Bose or Meghnad Saha or C V Raman and Indian Association for the Cultivation of Science - lest he has to dive into ignominy of swallowing his theories of garbage of ‘dumb Indians without ingenuity’. He leaves the interpretation of Emergency open, by telling the readers that curb on constitutional freedom had made Indian journalism more interpretative! [page 119]

I trudge on, rather studiously, to Chapter 7, 'Paradise Lost'. Nothing seems left to be discovered - mighty and high, is there anything more grotesque - not about India, but about an individual - who claims to possess Indian ancestry and who revels in systematic butchery of Indians with his pen - mighty and high. 

Yes. Naipaul attempts to teach Indians to unlearn the 'political'. As he writes, or is dollar-bribed to write, during Emergency, without deliberating on the issue would have implied nullity. So he becomes a pulpiteer, pierces the sword into Jaiprakash Narayan's concept of Total Revolution, finds out justification for Indira Gandhi's Emergency by ridiculing a lady in Delhi and her political husband (belonging to the opposition) for aspiring to keep her servant 'close' to her residence and hence lamenting government's decision to smash his house and forcing him out in the open in the rains. Naipaul asserts that one month notice was served upon the individual before demolishing his house.


Jaiprakash Narayan talks about 'government from below' - a de-facto establishment of local-self government and election of legislature at state and central levels with a bottom-up approach. I am awaken, amidst somnolence: Naipaul compares JP's Total Revolution as 'emotional outburst' - still fine, considering the political chaos accompanying the movement; as Naipaul terms JP's assurance of Swaraj as Ramrajya, I cleanse the lens of my spectacles - to reread. He has to bring in religion - Hinduism - and this time he does it by positing Gandhi and Vivekananda and in the most disingenuous way connecting JP's Swaraj with Gandhi's Ramrajya. Gandhi had been earlier criticised for his lack of languidness in writing - which can very easily be accepted considering the fact that an author of Naipaul's calibre will always see Gandhian ability of writing as a diminutive variety.

Nevertheless, from which angle Naipaul saw Ramrajya of Hindu religious type being offered by JP bemuses us all. Naipaul clearly and amazingly sees the revolution to have failed, all revolutions to have failed in India, Maoist, Constitutional, non-Constitutional, since Indians are a failed set of beings - as they are within the cocoon of a failed religion called Hinduism.  

As I turn page 140, I wonder if Naipaul would have been better-off spending few sessions with Dr Sudhir Kakar of JNU - the psychoanalyst.

Vilifying Gandhi and his mahatmahood is still acceptable, as such analysis borders the zone of critical thinking. But to write that Gandhi 'left India without any ideology' [page 146] is tough not to be taken amiss. Naipaul's venom towards India and Indians has been systematically directed towards its pantheon of leadership - specifically Gandhi - by cooking up the latter's hidden follies of being caste-affected, burdened with an anachronistic worldview of anti-industrial posture, pursuing his status of being the mahatma with a zero-like ideology. The assassination of Gandhi takes place for the second time, at least - after Godse, Naipaul carries it out with his incisive phraseology by deconstructing the singular, simple interpretation of Gandhian simplicity and truthfulness, as if every truth of Gandhi, for Gandhi and by Gandhi was residing at the apex of untruth; as if every bit of Gandhi's Weltanschauung is a reflection of India's perceptive ideology and has to be decoded in the backdrop of post-truth. 


Naipaul had to lambaste Vinoba Bhave, innovate the punchbag in him - as he emulated Gandhi, and according to his own words, more than typified Gandhian way of life, and puts across Bhave as 'not a particularly intelligent man' and 'his political views come close to nonsense' [pp 146-7]. This approach was nonetheless natural and expected of Naipaul -as he had to debase India and Indians - so Gandhi and hence Bhave had to be beaten to unconsciousness and then asked by the author: 'Do you have any ideology?' The answer would obviously be nothing. 

Naipaul surely would have been charged with blasphemy if he were a Pakistani citizen. He narrowly escapes the fatwa for two reasons: there is no such authority or precedence in Hinduism and there is no such culture in Hinduism and in that sense, this is a dead religion - which does not retaliate against its molesters. His book is not banned and he sails through to receive the Nobel later. 

"Get the children out into the fields, among the animals: it was, after all, the only education that the god Krishna received." [page 149]

Again, to mock at Bhave's educational status is still a matter of criticism which can be accepted in an argumentative stupor, but shouldn't a giggle at one of the avatars of Hinduism be a reason enough to raise furor? 

Indians belch, Indians fart - yes, they do. My question is nobody else does? Naipaul doesn't? In 1975-6 if rural Indian gentry take pride in a graduate daughter, then how do they err? Isn't Naipaul also a graduate? Indians make merry in festivities, they shout, they sing, they dance, at times they go berserk. My question is nobody else does? The Englishman doesn't? The American yankee doesn't?



Bhave is tortured by Naipaul with burning incense sticks - the former's last fast was against cow-slaughter - his Bhoodan movement was a fiasco, a mere symbolism suffocated within the everlasting yoke of casteism and rural hierarchy. Naipaul's veritable misuse of the word 'cow' with all its concomitant sense to hit 'Hindu India' below the belt so spookily mirrors the contemporary 'liberal' and 'left-of-the-centre' interpretations of the 'present cow'. There is no other animal in India - no Tiger, no Lion, no Elephant, only the cow and it has to be targeted. 

Indians are obedient, without any thought-process, without any civilisation, mere dehumanised, de-civilised robots, clinging onto their dead past. This is the crux of Naipaul's 161 page book - a gist which is repeated, reiterated and reverberated methodically by the author in a meticulous fashion page after page, paragraph after paragraph. An artist could be so engrossed in shaping up and then polishing a damaged image to perfection - a sculpture impaired flawlessly and permanently to make it appear a ghost, to create a spectre of nothingness of Indians - only Naipaul could excel in this craft. 

Naipaul suggests, in his vainglorious attire, that 'the past can now be possessed only by inquiry and scholarship, by intellectual rather than spiritual discipline' [page 161]. 

Yes, Indians need more consciousness toward cleanliness. Yes, Indians need to be more industrious. Yes, Indians need to develop their education system, their healthcare apparatus. And yes, Indians ought to be aware of their civilisation through the prism of scientific knowledge and leap forward to establish a greater civilisation for the future.

India and Indians are working towards the goal - with all muscles flexed and guns blazing. Naipaul's spectre of a 'decadent cow-ennobled Hindu India' simply doesn't haunt Indians, who in the 21st century, have not only ignored such preposterous theories, but are confident and conscious enough about their potential. India’s civilization is not wounded. It is empowered; it is dynamic and ever-growing.
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05 November, 2017

Modern World History & UPSC 2017

Dear All

Just to evaluate the efficacy of the book, I have carried out a quickfire analysis of UPSC History Optional Paper II as held on 03 NOV 2017


q 5a - off the track question on Kant


5 b - reforms of Napoleon 

Napoleon the general had merit, leadership, discipline, patriotism & sense of purpose

These qualities were transformed/reflected into Napoleon the Consul through his reforms

May see the section on Napoleon in Chapter 2 of my World History Book - WHB hereon.



5 c - chartist movement in Britain
May see the section on Chartist Movement in Chapter 2 of WHB


5 d - German unification & loss in WWI combined
Discussed in Chapters 4 & 7 respectively

5 e - repeat qs - 2011 
detailed hints in pg 11.7 of my World history book [WHB] 



6a Industrial Rev in England first, why?? 
Social Consequences of Ind Rev 

may see pg 3.2 , 3.5, 3.10 of WHB - for complete discussion


6b - WWI as TOTAL War 

fully solved in 7.13 of WHB 
bull's eye : this Qs was set as a sample qs in the book with full solution & had never appeared in UPSC before !!


6c - tricky qs - requires application of mind

See Industrial depression in England in 1815-30, peterloo massacre - pg 2.18 & 2.19 of WHB

coupled with Socialism before Marx
[Chapter 1 of WHB]


7a -german unification
Chapter 4 of WHB - fully discussed 

7b - Describe Bolshevism,
Focus on Stalinism & Cold War

See pg 6.14 of WHB 


7c - On Simon Bolivar 
Again, for the 1st time in UPSC this Qs has been asked - I have stressed umpteen number of times that any day this qs could come - finally, I feel vindicated

see pp 9.1 to 9.3 of WHB - for the discussion


However, failure of Bolivar to provide united stand was due to : civil wars, different nationalities, Chile having a different leader, heavy Spanish repression, Brazil was under Portuguese & hence had a different stream of political liberation working there

Nonehtless Bolivar cannot be termed to have failed as such


8a - Fascism in Italy
See Chapter 6 of WHB 

8b - repeat qs, was asked in 2007, 2013

fully solved in pg 12.10 of WHB


8c - Dutch imperialism in Indonesia
read pg 5.4 of WHB 
Again, question asked for the first time in UPSC 
So, in sum, apart from one qs, i.e. 5a, all other questions have been fully dealt with / solved in WHB.
Moreover, Q6b was predicted to 100%

MWH



Privileged to hand over a copy of the book to DGOF & Chairman, Ordnance Factory Board, Shri S K Chourasia





        



Interestingly, the book was released on 11 SEP 


The Book now has Look Inside feature - one can have a glance at its contents and few pages.....


https://www.amazon.in/Modern-World-History-Services-Examination/dp/9386860732/ref=sr_1_4?s=books&ie=UTF8&qid=1509908099&sr=1-4&keywords=world+history



Presenting a copy of the book to Shri D K Mahapatra, Secretary, Ordnance Factory Board

With Shri D K Mahapatra, Secretary, Ordnance Factory Board





Preface

“And what is it to work with love?
                          It is to weave the cloth with threads drawn from your heart,
                         as if your beloved were to wear that cloth”

-        Kahlil Gibran [Lebanese poet, philosopher & artist]



The idea of penning down the manuscript on World History, specifically for Civil Service aspirants, germinated approximately a year back. The concept sprouted suddenly no doubt, yet there exist a background.

In 2006, I took the Civil Service Examination [CSE] by the Union Public Service Commission [UPSC]. I had gleefully chosen HISTORY as one of the optional. In fact, it was the prime optional paper. Reasons were multifarious.

One, I had immense liking for the subject since my school days. However, swept away by the extant educational culture and intimidated by the ‘benchmark of merit’; I had to take up Sciences – though I never repent on the decision and rather felt sublime on studying Physics which was a prime mover for igniting analysis and critical thought.

Two, the syllabus of HISTORY for UPSC-CSE was in conformity with a chunk of its General Studies syllabus. Naturally, choosing HISTORY implied saving some precious time as I was preparing towards CSE while I was simultaneously pursuing active research in Astrophysics at the Tata Institute of Fundamental Research.


Third, another pragmatic consideration was the steady, consistent flow of marks which HISTORY generated in the CSE. The syllabus might appear ‘big’ on the face of it, but if studied from an analytical perspective and not viewed from the cliché ‘date-year-fact’ interpretation; then HISTORY would pay the aspirant richest dividends.

Sensing the opportunity, I revived my severed relationship with HISTORY.

Furthermore, after clearing CSE with 324 marks in HISTORY and a maiden attempt at UPSC Mains, that however not being the sole reason, I developed a serious ‘feeling’ for the discipline – which was beyond the story-telling genre of Amar Chitra Katha or purely examination purpose digestion of the subject.

To add to the backdrop, facing challenging queries and critical comments, and at times fed with knowledge – my interactions since 2007 with several serious claimants for the throne of UPSC-CSE very much spruced up my repertoire of HISTORY.

The present volume is an attempt to bring forth to the CSE aspirants, in a comprehensible and knowledgeable format, the apparently elaborate syllabus of World History pertaining to UPSC-CSE. The book focuses on the outline syllabus of Modern World History for CSE by UPSC, stretching from Enlightenment to 2001. Nevertheless, the book will serve the purpose for aspirants towards State Civil Services, UGC-NET examinees and prospective graduates in History from Indian Universities.


The book oscillates – albeit harmonically, between ‘extremities’ of Gandhi to Hitler, from peace to war to revolutions and back – essaying through the labyrinth of human historical evolution since 15th century Common Era. The enormities of the World Wars, the complexities of Cold War and the ideational deceptions of imperialism and colonialism have been nurtured with care. From Industrial Revolution to nation building in Germany and Italy and finally culminating in decolonisation, the book has labored to reach out to the readers. In this apparent maze, the connectivity with Indian history has not been lost.

A work as varied and diverse as this can never claim total originality. However, the ingenuity of the author in piecing together several disjoint components has to be one of the strongest factors so as to widen the reach of the book’s compass.

I have duly acknowledged the sources, references and books which provided the scaffolding for the present work – mostly within the text and rest in the Reference & Bibliography section. Any source not mentioned or acknowledged is purely inadvertent.


I wish the readers an enjoyable journey through the book. 

27 July, 2016

Examining a Tactical Alliance between ISIS and India's Maoists


Is There an Alliance Between ISIS and India's Maoists?

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The question of a tactical alliance between the Indian Maoists and the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) is perhaps no longer irrelevant. On July 19, the National Investigation Agency (NIA) submitted in a charge sheet before a special court in Delhi that ISIS was planning to procure weapons from the Maoists in order to carry out terror strikes.
However, on April 27, India’s minister of state for home affairs had intimated to Rajya Sabha, India’s upper house, that there is no nexus between ISIS and India’s various Naxal groups, even as far as training and seeking weapons from the Naxalites are concerned.
Interestingly, Abhinav Pandya speculated in The Quint on July 10 that there was a growing possibility of Bangladesh and West Bengal based jihadis joining hands with the Maoists in the Red Corridor to destabilize India. The author nevertheless did not provide any cogent evidence to substantiate his conjecture.

Though direct evidence of ISI-Maoist collaboration has been hard to discern, the unholy influence of ISI as a third-party entrant through the northeastern gateway of India is quite plausible. There exists direct linkage between Maoists and the northeastern terrorist/insurgent outfits like the Paresh Baruah-led faction of United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA) or Manipur’s People’s Liberation Army, which in turn would have had no qualms in seeking financial and logistical help from ISI.
This is, however, not the first time that a possible nexus between foreign elements and the Indian Maoists has been highlighted. In an analysis for Stratfor, Ben West on November 18, 2010 reported an alleged meeting between the Maoists and members of Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT). In his report, West referred to top police authorities in the state of Chhattisgarh saying that two LeT operatives had attended a Naxalite meeting in April or May 2010. It is noteworthy that West was cautious enough to mention that Stratfor was yet to see significant changes on the ground which would lend any credence to the scenario of Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) colluding with the Maoists.
In late 2014, however, the Maoists spoke out against the state authorities linking Naxalites with the ISI. They have even accused the government of trying to hatch a “conspiracy” to establish their links with Islamist extremists and Pakistan’s ISI.
That reaction from Maoists is only natural.
First, the Maoists, as guerrilla fighters, lead the life of a fish in the sea of people. A nexus with anti-national, communal, and terrorist forces like ISI or ISIS or al-Qaeda, if established, is sure to tarnish their credibility as secular, communist revolutionaries. The masses in the rural and tribal heartlands may lose faith in the left-wing ultras because of their alleged association with unpopular forces. In this manner, the Maoists would jeopardize their source of nourishment, which by all means they would not desire.
Second, the Maoists are bound to lose the ideological support of intellectuals if any perceivable partnership with the ISIS terror mongers is found. The extreme left-wingers would hardly be willing to risk this either.
Third, the fundamental ideology of the Maoists is an antithesis to the basic doctrine of purely communal-terrorist forces like ISIS. Marxism-Leninism-Maoism focuses on class conflict and loathes religious discourse as a “poor man’s opium.” Jihad as advocated by ISIS is infinitely distant from the ideational position of the Maoists.
Though the age-old adage of “my enemy’s enemy is my friend” still holds ground in the postmodern age of geo-economics, Maoists would in all probability interpret the saying in conjunction with reality. The Maoists are bound to experience an existential threat if they form an alliance with either ISI or the deadlier ISIS, even if as some analysts may term that as “tactical alliance.” After all, they have always upheld their presence in the sub-continent as indigenous insurgent group, born out of lack of governance and consequent exploitation on the tribes and backward castes by the bourgeoisie-comprador sections.
It is a fact that the Maoists have tendered vocal support to the Kashmir insurgency, to the extent of the right to self-determination of the people of the region. Further, they have also expressed philosophical support to the balkanization of the country if required to meet the aspiration of the people. But it would be indeed ludicrous for them to come out hand-in-glove with an anti-people fundamentalist terrorist network like ISIS.
Does this mean that Maoist-ISIS tactical alliance is a non-starter?
ISIS operatives in India can always contemplate joining hands with the Maoists, since for them it would be a beneficial situation in terms of logistics, arms, ammunition, and training. It is also a fact that any arms or logistics supply deal with ISIS would financially embolden the Maoists, who at present are very much under pressure from the security forces and would find any monetary transaction as oxygen for their “new democratic revolution.”  But it is unlikely that the Politburo and the Central Committee of the Maoist hierarchy would acquiesce to such financial greed.
However, the administrative grip of the core leadership on the fringe groups located in various parts of the country is not guaranteed. Hence a tactical alliance of ISIS operatives with fringe Maoist elements or breakaway factions consisting of lumpen cadres always remain a possibility.
There is, however, one issue on which the Maoists find common ground with ISIS, and that is an insurrection against the perceived imperialistic juggernaut of the United States. But it is noteworthy to quote what current Maoist General Secretary Ganapathy had to say in that regard:
“Islamic jihadist movements have two aspects: one is their anti-imperialist aspect, and the other their reactionary aspect in social and cultural matters. Our party supports the struggle of Muslim countries and people against imperialism, while criticizing and struggling against the reactionary ideology and social outlook of Muslim fundamentalism.”
The upshot is clear and obvious. A Maoist-ISI connection may still be in the cards through the northeastern insurgent outfits, with the latter being an arms-cum-logistics supplier, but a Maoist-ISIS tactical alliance is simply not a marriage of convenience for the Maoists. It goes against their very basic principles and theoretical standpoint. Nevertheless, if any cooperation of that nature occurs in the future, then the four-decade-old insurgency would provide its weakest façade to the security forces for final demolition.

http://thediplomat.com/2016/07/is-there-an-alliance-between-isis-and-indias-maoists/


Dr. Uddipan Mukherjee, IOFS  is Dy. Director at Ordnance Factory Board, under the Ministry of Defense, Government of India. He has been published widely in various national and international think tanks and magazines since 2009. He specialises on insurgency related issues and specifically the Maoist problem in India. The views expressed here are personal and do not reflect those of the Indian government

12 March, 2016

Fragile Peace in Colombia





Will March 23 be a historic day for Colombia? Possibility is not high since President Juan Manuel Santos was curt in saying that he prefers a no deal rather than a bad one. He was referring to the peace negotiations with the Communist guerrilla group Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia or FARC. Most of the issues have been chalked out but one – the contentious issue in any insurgency rolling into peaceful transition – that is, disarming the erstwhile ‘rebels’. The peace deal is being mediated by Cuba and the initial announcement of March 23 deadline nicely dovetailed with the extraordinary visit by the US President Barack Obama to Cuba on March 21 – 22. 

A poll conducted in October 2015, writes ‘Colombia Reports’, quite interestingly shows that majority of the Colombian people have expressed optimism in the peace negotiations with the country’s oldest and by reasonable estimates largest guerrilla group. The peace talks began rather secretly in late 2010 after President Juan Manuel Santos assumed authority in Colombia. The death of FARC’s military commander ‘Mono Jojoy’ was another reason which pushed the rebels to the discussion table. They were expected to gain some breathing time which is a natural tactical component in protracted guerrilla warfare.  The talks however continued despite the elimination of rebel leader Alfonso Cano in 2011 and consequently a sharp increase in retaliatory attacks by FARC.

On the psychological turf, President Santos openly proclaimed that Cano’s death was a big blow to FARC and it should be prudent for the leftist rebels to seek refuge in peace talks. Journalist Jeremy McDermott writing for BBC News from Bogota shared that although the psychological impact of Cano’s death for the Marxist rebel movement was huge; however, it was unlikely to destroy the group, or indeed, even cause a serious interruption in its operations. McDermott opined that the structure of the FARC was designed to withstand the loss of leaders. Since 2008, four member of the guerrillas' seven-man ruling body, the Secretariat, have died or been killed. Nevertheless, every time a leader died, another stepped into his place.

May be McDermott was theoretically correct, but Santos’ tactics worked in the long run – at least in the present circumstances, it seems so since ultimately the guerrillas have zeroed in on the discussion table with the state. In August 2012, Santos and the FARC announced to be moving onto formal peace talks by October. In fact, by November that year, the rebels sent a number of its top commanders to Cuba where the two conflicting parties would work out the specifics of a general accord to be formalised before the final talks. However, this was not the first attempt to draw a peace accord with the ultras. Several forays in the past since 1980s had failed – and on occasions giving rise to renewed conflict with more violence.

In that backdrop, in the last week of September 2015, when media images flashed of Cuban President Raúl Castro holding the hands of Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos and top leader of FARC, Rodrigo Londono 'Timochenko' announcing the culmination of an agreement; it evoked usual doubts in the minds of ordinary Colombians, but nonetheless it was a pleasing sight. Both sides had said in March last year that the transitional justice process was the hardest to negotiate. Talks nearly broke down within a month over arrangements for trials and a reconciliation framework. In September 2015, however, only one of six elements in the talks remained to be finalised, i.e. decommissioning and disarmament. The parties affirmed that once the likely final accord is signed, FARC will lay down its arms within 60 days. Furthermore, FARC’s commander, Timoleón Jiménez, posted an interview saying: “We are willing to take responsibility for our actions during the period of resistance.” The documents pertaining to the peace agreement clearly spelt out that there will be no special consideration for drug-trafficking crimes that are “unrelated to rebellion”.


The [Un]Civil War

As gleaned from the fact sheet published by the ‘Colombia Reports’ on the Peace Process in Colombia, the conflict between the FARC and the Colombian government began in 1964. But political violence closely related to the current conflict has its roots decades earlier. Historically speaking, Colombia has never had much of a stable democracy. In its more than 200 years of existence, the former Spanish colony has had more than a dozen constitutions. Attempts to consolidate political and economic power by the two major political parties of Colombia – the Conservative Party and the Liberal Party, led to several violent confrontations, wars, and periods of political exclusion between the late 19th century and the 1940s. The violence with far more radical leftist forces did not take place until after World War II, when a populist liberal politician, Jorge Eliecer Gaitan, opposed the Conservative government and began initiating a mass movement, threatening the status quo.

Gaitan’s murder in 1948 sparked a period called ‘La Violencia,’ a decade-long brutality in which more than 200,000 Colombians were killed. The streak of violence ended in 1958 when the Liberal Party and the Conservative Party agreed to divide power – to hold public office and control the economy every four years. This agreement was called the National Front. However, the left wing of the Liberal Party, along with the communists influenced by a wave of socialism-influenced revolts across the continent, did not accept this National Front. In the countryside, where inequality was a perennial problem, farmers began revolting against the Bogota-based political elite. And it was from this movement that the FARC germinated. Initially, they were a handful of peasants. In 1964, FARC declared itself independent, forming ‘The Republic of Marquetalia’ in a tiny village on the foot of the Nevada de Huila mountain range.


The conflict further escalated in the 1980s when several leftist rebel groups became active. Also drug trafficking revenue was financing weapons across the country, and right-wing self-defense forces began to protect private interests from the increasingly powerful guerrillas. In alliance with the Colombian Communist Party, the strengthened FARC began to have political ambitions at a national level, posing a serious challenge to the political status quo. In 1985, the Colombian government began peace talks with different rebel groups.

Peace Talks
The current peace talks are following an agenda that is made up of six issues.  These aspects attempt to cover both the causes and the effects of the conflict that exclusively may not have involved the FARC and the state. The issues regarding rural reform and political participation can be seen as an attempt to solve the fundamental causes of the conflict. Drug trafficking, one of the main pillars of the insurgency-related violence, is also a part of the agenda. Each of the agenda points needs to be signed by both the parties before a final peace deal can be reached. The FARC, and later followed by the Colombian government, began publishing the partial agreements on rural reform, political participation and illicit drugs in mid-2014. The government and the rebel body later made the documents publicly available. Partial agreements have been inked on Rural Reforms, Political participation and illicit drugs.

According to the United Nations, Colombia’s conflict has left more than 7 million victims. Political violence has been wreaking havoc since the 1940s and has left at least half a million Colombians dead. This matter on the victims of the civil war is being negotiated. Further, while negotiating the end of conflict, the two parties have to discuss the abandonment of arms by the FARC and the measures to be adopted in order to help reintegrate the rank and file of FARC. The most contentious issue now longing to see the logical end is the demobilization, disarmament and reintegration of some estimated 20,000 FARC fighters and non-armed activists. When the implementation phase begins, Colombia’s government will ask the public to approve the peace deal in a formal vote or plebiscite. Once the electorate approves of the agreement, the government can formally sign peace with the FARC and all previously arranged deals will become valid.

In fact, Colombia’s attempt to end five decades of bloodshed was about to be derailed, after FARC units appeared to have breached a four-month-old unilateral ceasefire by ambushing a military patrol on 14 April 2015, reportedly killing eleven soldiers and wounding another twenty. According to official sources, the soldiers were ambushed with grenades, explosives and firearms near the municipality of Buenos Aires (Cauca), while carrying out an unspecified night-time “territorial control” mission. FARC did not give an alternative account of the incident but justified their actions as a “legitimate reaction” to continued counter-insurgency operations against their troops.
The incident led many in Colombia to speculate that FARC may have tried to use an ambush to pressure the government into an immediate bilateral ceasefire. This, however, was relatively unlikely. The government had repeatedly rejected such a deal ahead of a final agreement. But things were at least moving in the right direction, when President Santos in March temporarily stopped air attacks on guerrilla camps and renewed that decision just days ahead of the ambush. The immediate and predictable consequence of the Cauca attack was that Santos declared it as a clear rupture of the ceasefire and ordered resumption of the bombing.
Most analysts had then opined that it was rather unlikely that the crisis would lead to collapse of the negotiations. “It’s one of the most difficult moments in the entire negotiations process," said Markus Shultze-Kraft, a conflict analyst at the Icesi University in Cali. "However I would say it is above all a big political issue. It’s not a military issue, it’s not a security issue, it’s a political issue, and as such it should be dealt with politically," he said.

On behalf of the Colombian government, Sergio Jaramillo was the chief interlocutor. “You need to be incredibly aware and lucid. So it is useful sometimes to read challenging things that keep you sharp, like difficult poetry, Rilke or Mallarmé,” said the 48-year-old academic-turned-politician.

“First of all, you have to have a plan. You need from the very beginning to have the clearest vision of where you want to get to,” he says. But then
“As Sun Tzu would say, study your enemy,” he opines. “I had studied the FARC quite thoroughly and spoken to hundreds of demobilised members, so I have a reasonably good idea of what makes them tick . . . they are very cunning and wily negotiators.”

Jaramillo contented that wide reading, and lessons from successful peace processes in South Africa and El Salvador, helped him to shape up the modalities of the talks. Advice from other peace negotiators, such as Jonathan Powell, the British civil servant who led the Good Friday agreements in Northern Ireland also provided him the necessary intellectual wherewithal. Colombia’s breakthrough came in September 2012, when the government and the FARC announced after seven months of secret talks that they had agreed on a road map. With the Havana-brokered negotiations reaching a climax, it appears that breakthrough is finally reaching fruition.


Any lessons to be learned?

The future disarmament and reintegration program with FARC has its perhaps closest historical antecedents, both within Colombia and without. In the early 1990s when Colombia clinched deals with five guerrilla forces, such modality had to be undergone. The 1990 agreement of the Colombian government with the M19 paved the way for accelerating talks and eventual peace deals with the Revolutionary Workers Party (PRT), the Popular Liberation Army (EPL) and the Quintín Lame Armed Movement (MAQL), signed between January and May 1991. Some three years later, the Socialist Renovation Current (CRS), a dissident group of the National Liberation Army (ELN), followed their steps. In addition to this, Medellín-based urban militia groups also agreed to give up arms in 1994 and 1998.

An important instance outside the Colombian territory and yet contemporary, is the disarmament and consequent reintegration of the Maoist rebels in Nepal – a process which definitely was jittery, but nonetheless path-breaking. A successful reintegration can by all means serve as a pioneer solution provider to similar conflict situations in the world.

Another strategic lesson to be gleaned from these peace talks is the fact that rebels – especially communist ultras who believe in protracted guerrilla warfare, come to the negotiating table either when they see a victory on the horizon or are cornered in the military sphere and find peace as the viable alternative to survive as well as to exist. The Maoists in India coming to talk with the authorities under the tagline of the famous 2004 ‘Andhra Talks’ is an instance of the latter while the Nepali Maoists’ peace offer was a typical example of the former situation. In the Colombian case, an unprecedented military offensive – first under President Álvaro Uribe from 2002 to 2010 and continued with minor adjustments under Santos – reduced FARC’s total strength. The military onslaught has also dramatically reduced FARC’s territorial control, pushing the guerrillas into ever more remote and sparsely populated hideouts, often close to territorial or internal border regions.

Now, the moot question is whether such a nuanced combination of hard-line security approach along with an option for talks being kept open only when the Indian government is in a ‘position of strength’; will work in the sub-continent – in order to tame the communist insurgency which is ongoing almost along similar time frame as the FARC rebellion.  Nonetheless, the Colombian peace process, if finally found successful – at least to the point of laying down of arms by the FARC, can serve as a Conflict Resolution Model for the sub-continent. One issue, however, is worth to be noted here – though the strength of the FARC rebels diminished over the years, yet the civil war was still very much ongoing. It created ripples down the Santos administration and that meant Colombian government was way too eager to resolve the conflict, even through negotiations mediated by a third party – in this case, Cuba. On the other hand, the Maoists in India are cornered due to loss of leaders and cadres. They are stretching and attempting to spread their tentacles to other parts of the country – in the north-east and south, but it is more with a long term perspective. The Indian government is not under any serious threat so as to even sit near the discussion table.

Moreover, the authorities appear confident to weed out the insurgency through security-cum-development model. The Maoists too are not eager to ‘talk’ because the government has laid down the condition of ‘laying down arms’ as a pre-condition for talks. Hence, the ultras are not keen to put across the idea of talks suo-moto and lose grounds in the negotiation at the very outset. And above all, third party mediation is out of question now – at least the issue has not snowballed into a Kashmir-esque problem so as to pull in world’s major powers. All said, the peace process in Colombia will be closely watched by journalists, analysts and policy makers across the world – especially from insurgency affected states. Whether the Colombian peace lasts long or turns out to be fragile, would surely provide an empirical evidence to benefit conflict resolution on the whole.

About the author:
Dr Uddipan Mukherjee, IOFS, is Deputy Director, Ordnance Factory Board, under Ministry of Defence, Govt. of India. Views expressed, if any, are personal.